SePitori: An informal language from Pretoria

Sepitori: The Language of Tshwane

Black people in the metropolitan district of Tshwane, which surrounds the city of Pretoria, communicate in a non-standard variety they call Sepitori, referred to in sociolinguistics as Pretoria Sotho. It is based on the Sekgatla dialect of Setswana with many words from a mutually intelligible language, Sepedi, as well as a few from Afrikaans and English. It emerged soon after Dutch speakers settled in Pretoria during the 1850s. The Bakgatla – who lived in the area – interacted with migrant Sepedi speakers from Limpopo when both groups provided labour for the Dutch. Today, it has spread far beyond the Tshwane Metro and is spoken in neighbouring local municipalities such as Madibeng (North West Province) and Bela-Bela (Limpopo Province).

Sepitori has entered formal settings such as schools, the workplace and business. It is also popular in the entertainment industry (e.g. soapies, movies, music, stand-up comedy, etc.). It is freely spoken on community radio stations such Tshwane FM. An utterance such as “I know this man; he likes to wear one shoe” in Sepitori would be: “Ka mo itse die man; o rata HO APARA setlhako se one.” (Setswana; Afrikaans; SEPEDI; and English.)

It is not a written ‘language’, but its native speakers can discriminate between ‘bad’ or ‘good’ Sepitori. Speaking it with flair symbolises sophistication and being city-wise. As such, many non-native speakers replace their varieties with it even when they have never lived in Tshwane. One researcher even suggests that it is gaining momentum in areas such as Rustenburg (North West Province).

It is not contested that there is a wide gap between standard and non-standard varieties of African languages. This may explain why learners who study African languages struggle in school, particularly those who reside in multilingual urban centres such as Tshwane. Some sociolinguists suggest that there is no reason why Sepitori cannot be used to strengthen standard varieties of Setswana and Sepedi. By taking such a bold step, this wide gap will be narrowed and over time, the spoken variety (non-standard) will begin to approximate to the written one. Of importance is that language exists for the convenience of people and not vice versa. Put differently, if it works for a speech community to make certain linguistic adjustments for its effective communication (or convenience), then why not?

Current trends suggest that standard varieties are on the decline while non-standard varieties such as Sepitori are increasing in popularity and status. With the National Planning Commission projecting that South Africa will be more than 70% urbanised by 2030, it is reasonable to equally project that standard varieties – in their current form – will decline even further, and may even face attrition within a few generations. Those who argue that non-standard varieties should play no role in resuscitating African languages, must engage with current realities, as it would be helpful to make radical and courageous decisions now.

Thabo Ditsele is a sociolinguist; a professional English language editor and Setswana translator; and the author of a published Setswana novel Maile maila boganana. He is currently pursuing a Doctorate in Language Practice at Tshwane University of Technology (TUT) in Pretoria. In August 2012, he presented a Paper on “Sepitori” at a Linguistics Conference held at Leiden University in the Netherlands.

Making a case for Sepitori language

SEPITORI (or Pretoria Sotho) is the lingua franca of the Tshwane urban area, spoken mainly by black people who constitute 75 percent of its nearly 3 million people.

Teachers use it to explain in the classroom and workers speak it at work; it is popular in the entertainment industry (in soapies, movies, music, on Tshwane FM and in stand-up comedy).

Sepitori emerged soon after the Dutch settled in the area now known as Pretoria in 1855.

Setswana speakers, who lived in the area, interacted with migrant Sepedi speakers from Limpopo when both groups provided labour for the Dutch.

Today, it has spread far beyond the Tshwane metro and is spoken in neighbouring towns such as Brits in North West and Bela-Bela in Limpopo.

Some researchers have observed that it is gaining momentum in Rustenburg.

While non-standard language varieties are increasing in popularity, status, prestige and use, standard varieties are on a decline.

Census 2011 reports that six African languages had negative growth between 2001 and 2011 (isiZulu; isiXhosa; Sepedi; Setswana; Sesotho and siSwati) while only three experienced positive growth in the same period (Xitsonga, Tshivenda and isiNdebele).

With the National Planning Commission projecting that South Africa will be more than 70 percent urbanised by 2030, it is reasonable to project that standard language varieties, in their current form, will decline even further, while non-standard varieties grow, as is the case with people who migrate to Tshwane and quickly learn to speak this variety.

Some sociolinguists suggest that there is no reason why non-standard varieties cannot be used to strengthen standard varieties of their ancestor languages. By taking such a bold step, the gap would be narrowed and, over time, the spoken variety (non-standard) will begin to approximate to the written one.

Afrikaans began as a non-standard variety of Dutch. Before and after it became an official language of South Africa in 1925, bold steps were taken to develop it and its custodians did not hesitate to adopt terminology from wherever they could find it – Khoisan, Malay, African, Portuguese and South African English languages among others.
Sepitori is a variety of language based on the Sekgatla dialect of Setswana with many additions from Sepedi (Northern Sotho), and a few from Sesotho (Southern Sotho).
Sepitori has many adoptives from Afrikaans and South African English.

I propose that Sepitori vocabulary (verbs and nouns) be allowed to be synonyms with those of its ancestor languages. Example: a Setswana verb “tsamaya” (to walk) is used in Sepitori while a Sepedi verb with the same meaning “sepela” is not.

Those who learn Sepedi in formal settings would be rebuked for using “tsamaya” and not “sepela”.

If both were allowed to be used as synonyms in Setswana and Sepedi, this would not only narrow the gap between what people ordinarily speak in Tshwane, it would also enrich the vocabularies of both languages. In that case, “tsamaya” would be a regionally based verb used in Tshwane, while “sepela” would remain a preferred verb in Limpopo and Mpumalanga.

Speakers of English worldwide prefer to use a noun (e g “petrol” in South African English) without its synonym being necessarily wrong elsewhere (e g “gasoline” in US English).

My other proposal would be to allow Sepitori-coined vocabulary into those of Setswana and Sepedi. For example: “spatlo” (a “bunny chow”) does not have an equivalent in Setswana and Sepedi. Instead of being descriptive when one came across the noun in a translation project, the Sepitori noun should be adopted. All that would be needed is to alter its spelling to conform to the orthographies of the two languages – “s[eph]atlo”.

Sepitori speakers learning Setswana and Sepedi would not be discouraged from sustaining their lessons if they are not reminded that what they speak with pride is a “corrupted language” as some language purists would refer to nonstandard varieties.

Languages which are flexible to enrich their vocabularies as and when such are coined and used have the potential to grow; those that stay rigid, decline in speaker population and eventually die. The status, prestige and growth of Sepitori offer an opportunity to grow Setswana and Sepedi.

Language purists who argue that non-standard varieties should play no role in the development of African languages must engage with current realities as it would be helpful to make radical decisions without delay.




Thabo Ditsele is pursuing a PhD in socio-linguistics at Tshwane University of Technology.

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